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By Zachary Alan Selden

Even though US overseas coverage was once principally unpopular within the early 2000s, many geographical regions, in particular these bordering Russia and China, increased their safety cooperation with the United States. In Alignment, Alliance, and American Grand method, Zachary Selden notes that the nearby strength of those intolerant states urged threatened neighboring states to align with the United States. Gestures of alignment contain participation in significant joint army routines, involvement in US-led operations, the negotiation of agreements for US army bases, and efforts to affix a US-led alliance. in contrast, Brazil is usually a emerging neighborhood strength, yet because it is a democratic kingdom, its associates haven't sought higher alliance with the United States.
 
Amid demands retrenchment or restraint, Selden makes the case coverage interested in conserving American army preeminence and the validated willingness to exploit strength should be what sustains the cooperation of second-tier states, which in flip aid to take care of US hegemony at a possible fee.

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Thus, we should expect to find evidence of alignment with the United States among those states proximate to Russia and China and a lack thereof among states proximate to rising democratic states such as Brazil. This may add to the debate regarding whether states balance against power in and of itself or against perceived threats. If democratic states are generally perceived as being less aggressive (regardless of whether they actually are), then secondary states around them may be less inclined to work closely with the globally predominant power to balance against the regional power.

That system, built on generally liberal principles, is designed to support relatively free trade, adherence to a rules-­based economic order, and a general respect for national sovereignty. There is no certainty that the order that would come with the rise to regional predominance of illiberal states such as Russia and China would be nearly as beneficial to the broad interests of secondary states. Rather, the evidence of China’s actions in the South China Sea and Russia’s actions in the area it deems its “near abroad” indicates that it would be quite the opposite.

But what are appropriate ways to identify alignment at the softer end of the scale? Logically, we should expect behavior that indicates a willingness on the part of the secondary state to tie its security to that of the United States and to participate in activities that further American security interests. 6 40 alignment, alliance, and american grand strategy Those measures are significant indicators of the potential costs that the second-­tier state is willing to bear as part of building a security relationship with the United States.

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