By Hans Kung
Because the 20th century attracts to a detailed and the frenzy to globalization gathers momentum, political and fiscal issues are crowding out very important moral questions about the form of our destiny. Now, Hans K?ng, one of many world's preeminent Christian theologians, explores those concerns in a visionary and cautionary examine the arriving worldwide society. How can the recent global order of the 21st century steer clear of the horrors of the 20th? Will countries shape a true neighborhood or proceed to aggressively pursue their very own pursuits? Will the Machiavellian techniques of the earlier succeed over idealism and a extra humanitarian politics? What function can faith play in an international more and more ruled through transnational companies? K?ng tackles those and plenty of different questions with the perception and ethical authority that comes from a lifetime's devotion to the quest for justice and human dignity. Arguing opposed to either an amoral realpolitik and an immoral resurgence of laissez faire economics, K?ng defines a accomplished ethic based at the bedrock of mutual recognize and humane remedy of all beings that will surround the ecological, felony, technological, and social styles which are reshaping civilization. If we will have an international financial system, a world know-how, an international media, K?ng argues, we also needs to have an international ethic to which all countries, and peoples of the main diverse backgrounds and ideology, can devote themselves. "The world," he says, "is unlikely to be held jointly through the Internet." For somebody involved in the area we're growing, a world Ethic for international Politics and Economics deals equivalent measures of educated research, compassionate foresight, and clever information.
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Extra resources for A Global Ethic for Global Politics and Economics
1. An attempt at a new politics: Wilson As early as 1917/18 a new world order was called for, as we saw, by Woodrow Wilson, the President of the United States. But surely Wilson, some 'realists' comment mockingly today, was a hopeful-hopeless 'idealist'! However, it is worth making a critical investigation. Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924), who from 1885 had taught history, law and political science, from 1890 at Princeton University, whose President he was from 1902 to 1910, won the election for the Democratic Party as in every respect the best hope of the Progressive Movement.
But at the same time in so doing he obstructed the development of Germany into a democracy with a liberal pattern, so that Bismarck's spirit was ultimately also responsible for the disaster of German history in the first half of the twentieth century. Hence there is also a critical question here. (c) Power - the supreme criterion in politics? Here, too, let us look back, in order to get a clear view of the politics of the future. We can well understand why Henry Kissinger found Bismarck a kindred spirit, because he too does not see the world in a rigidly ordered system (a la Metternich's holy alliance) but as a world in constant flux and constant struggle (a la Charles Darwin's survival of the fittest).
Crises which he inflated artificially, ugly press campaigns and subtle disinformation (the Ems Dispatch as a provocation to France before the 1870 war) were political means for him. 43 But Bismarck's most serious mistake in foreign policy was to have momentous consequences: the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine, forced by a prolongation of the war. Only when we add the proclamation of the German Empire in the Versailles Hall of Mirrors and the agreement to the peace treaty with its high reparation payments, deliberately postponed for months, does the extent of the national provocation and humiliation of France really become evident: 'Through this the hostility of France to Germany became the defining element of the foundations on which the Reich had to stand.